Saturday, July 26, 2025
Advertise with us
Support us
Write for us
No Result
View All Result
claws
  • Home
  • About Us
    • Director General
    • Additional Director General
    • Jottings by Director General Emiritus
    • CLAWS Membership
    • Faculty
  • Publication
    • Web Articles
    • Issue Briefs
    • Manekshaw Papers
    • Newsletter
    • CLAWS Journal
    • Scholar Warrior
    • Books
    • Essay
    • Intern Articles
    • External Publications
  • Research Areas
    • Global & Regional Security
      • China
      • Pakistan
      • Afghanistan
      • South Asia
      • Indo Pacific
      • US, EU & Russia
      • MENA
      • CAR
    • National Security
      • National Security Strategy
      • Nuclear Deterrence
      • Non Traditional Threats
      • Intelligence
      • Terrorism & Internal Security
      • Grey Z & IW
      • Security Laws
    • Military Studies
      • Military Doctrine
      • Military Strategy
      • Peace Keeping Ops
      • Military History
      • Military Logistics
      • Out of Area Contingency Ops
      • Leadership
    • Military Technology & Defence Acquisition
      • Military Technology
      • Defence Acqn
      • Budgets & Finance
      • Defence Infrastructure
      • Human Resources
    • Multi Domain Studies
      • Jointmanship & Integration
      • Space
      • Cyber
      • Spl Operations
      • Energy & Environment
      • Defence Eco System
      • Defence Diplomacy
      • HADR
  • Web Archive
  • Events
    • Seminars
    • Webinars/RTD
  • PROMEX
  • University Cell
    • About The Initiative
    • Admission: Eligibility and Procedure
    • Important Information
    • Administration
    • Guides | Supervisors
  • Careers
  • Contact
  • Home
  • About Us
    • Director General
    • Additional Director General
    • Jottings by Director General Emiritus
    • CLAWS Membership
    • Faculty
  • Publication
    • Web Articles
    • Issue Briefs
    • Manekshaw Papers
    • Newsletter
    • CLAWS Journal
    • Scholar Warrior
    • Books
    • Essay
    • Intern Articles
    • External Publications
  • Research Areas
    • Global & Regional Security
      • China
      • Pakistan
      • Afghanistan
      • South Asia
      • Indo Pacific
      • US, EU & Russia
      • MENA
      • CAR
    • National Security
      • National Security Strategy
      • Nuclear Deterrence
      • Non Traditional Threats
      • Intelligence
      • Terrorism & Internal Security
      • Grey Z & IW
      • Security Laws
    • Military Studies
      • Military Doctrine
      • Military Strategy
      • Peace Keeping Ops
      • Military History
      • Military Logistics
      • Out of Area Contingency Ops
      • Leadership
    • Military Technology & Defence Acquisition
      • Military Technology
      • Defence Acqn
      • Budgets & Finance
      • Defence Infrastructure
      • Human Resources
    • Multi Domain Studies
      • Jointmanship & Integration
      • Space
      • Cyber
      • Spl Operations
      • Energy & Environment
      • Defence Eco System
      • Defence Diplomacy
      • HADR
  • Web Archive
  • Events
    • Seminars
    • Webinars/RTD
  • PROMEX
  • University Cell
    • About The Initiative
    • Admission: Eligibility and Procedure
    • Important Information
    • Administration
    • Guides | Supervisors
  • Careers
  • Contact
No Result
View All Result
CLAWS
No Result
View All Result
Home Articles

BRICS vs. G7: Can They Truly Be Compared?

Danish YousufbyDanish Yousuf
November 7, 2024
in Articles
A A
0
Post Views: 149

The 16th BRICS Summit, chaired by Russia in Kazan last month, focused on strengthening multilateralism, countering terrorism, and promoting sustainable development. The Summit welcomed 13 new BRICS partner countries, highlighting the group’s expanding influence on the global stage. Formed by Brazil, Russia, India, and China, BRICS expanded to include South Africa in 2010. President Putin remarked that more than 30 nations have shown interest in joining the group. Initially founded as an economic forum, could BRICS evolve into a significant geopolitical force in a multipolar world order, potentially counterbalancing the G7’s influence?

BRICS vs. G7

BRICS represents around five times the population of the G7 nations. In 1992, G7 nations made up 45.5% of global GDP, while BRICS held just 16.7%. As of 2024, BRICS countries collectively account for approximately 35% of the world’s GDP in terms of purchasing power parity (PPP), compared to the G7’s 30%. Between 2000 and 2023, BRICS+ expanded its share of global merchandise exports from 10.7% to 23.3%. Meanwhile, the G7’s share fell significantly from 45.1% to 28.9%.

As per the IMF, the BRICS nations are projected to contribute significantly to global economic growth in the coming years. Its latest forecasts indicate that China alone is expected to account for 22% of global growth over the next five years, surpassing the combined contribution of all G7 countries. In terms of economic growth rates, the BRICS countries are anticipated to experience an average growth rate of 3.6% in 2024, which is notably higher than the G7’s average of 1%.

Structural Issues

G7 members have deep-rooted economic, security, and diplomatic alliances, facilitated through multilateral institutions like NATO and the EU. This allows G7 nations to take a unified stance on global issues, whether it is imposing sanctions, coordinating monetary policy, or addressing security threats. G7 members frequently adopt coordinated policies across various areas, reflecting a high degree of integration and mutual commitment to shared goals.

BRICS, on the other hand, lacks this level of formal integration. Its members are not bound by mutual defence treaties or economic compacts. Instead, BRICS functions as a loosely coordinated forum for dialogue and collaboration, rather than as a unified bloc with binding commitments. The lack of a structured alliance makes it challenging for BRICS to take coordinated action on international issues. Members often have differing national priorities and, at times, conflicting foreign policy interests. For instance, China and India have border disputes and strategic differences, making it difficult to reach consensus on security issues. Russia’s position on international conflicts (like those in Ukraine and Syria) may not align with other BRICS members.

Is BRICS an Anti-West Alliance?

While China, Russia, and Iran might support positioning BRICS as a counterbalance to the G7 or an alternative to the U.S.-led Western order, not all BRICS members share this perspective. For example, Prime Minister Modi stated that BRICS is not an “anti-West alliance.” Many members, particularly newer ones, view BRICS as a platform to expand their diplomatic flexibility, with each member having distinct motivations for participating in the group.

On de-dollarisation, there is certainly interest among BRICS members in reducing dependence on dollars and finding ways to bypass SWIFT, but there is a noticeable gap between the rhetoric about diversifying away from the U.S. dollar and the actual progress being made. The more significant aspect of BRICS is its diplomatic symbolism. The fact that an increasing number of countries are looking to explore alternatives outside of Western-led institutions underscores this point.

 

The Fractured Pattern of Voting in UN

While economic indicators and symbolic strength are important, internal cohesion is equally vital for the political power of any international organisation. A clear, though not the most critical, indicator of this internal political cohesion is voting behaviour in the UN General Assembly. Internal cohesion within a structure is often reflected by a unified voting approach on international platforms. This is evident with NATO and the EU, whose member countries typically vote in alignment in the UN General Assembly.

In UNGA voting, BRICS members demonstrate a range of positions that reveal internal differences, especially on resolutions involving Russia. Russia and China may vote in solidarity, consistently opposing Western-backed resolutions on issues such as Crimea and Ukraine. India and South Africa, on the other hand, often choose to abstain, reflecting a more neutral or non-aligned stance. Brazil also tends to abstain but has occasionally voted in favour of resolutions critical of Russia. The newer members, such as Saudi Arabia and Argentina, have frequently aligned with Western perspectives by voting against Russia on key resolutions. This variation in voting behaviour highlights the challenge of achieving internal cohesion within BRICS.

Conclusion:

While BRICS is gaining prominence, supported by economic growth, it still lags in resolving both internal and international issues and in building unified international support. While G7 nations maintain unified stances on global matters, BRICS lack formal integration, conflicting interests, and diverging foreign policies. For BRICS to emerge as a true counterweight to the G7, it will need to address its internal fractures, particularly on critical global issues.

For India participation in both G7 and BRICS exemplifies New Delhi’s nuanced approach to strategic engagement with major global powers. Although not a formal member of the G7, India’s regular invitation to its annual summits signifies the West’s recognition of New Delhi as an influential interlocutor and collaborator on pressing international issues. The G7 provides a significant platform for India to project itself as a leader of the Global South. This positioning not only bolsters India’s global image but also brings tangible advantages in economic terms. By being recognized on this stage, India gains increased investment opportunities, improved international rankings, and an enhanced appeal to foreign investors. Through BRICS, India exercises its strategic autonomy within a multipolar world, facilitating avenues to strengthen its alignment with Moscow. India should drive a similar alliance independent of both the blocs. The irony is that India, which has led initiatives like the SAARC, now finds itself more constrained within multilateral frameworks where its leadership role is somewhat muted.

Previous Post

How ‘Far’ is Russia’s Far East?

Next Post

Why scaling back troops on LAC is risky

Danish Yousuf

Danish Yousuf

Next Post
Why scaling back troops on LAC is risky

Why scaling back troops on LAC is risky

Leave a Reply Cancel reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Support Us Donate Now

Web Updates

List of Shortlisted Officers / Candidates: PhD Batch – 7

Field Marshal Manekshaw Essay Competiton 2025

Guidelines to Publish with CLAWS

Summer Internship Capsule 2025

Application Form – Study Mtrl for DSSC 2025

[NEW] Application Form for membership for PROMEX (PART B or D)

  • Trending
  • Comments
  • Latest

Summer Internship Capsule 2025

April 8, 2025
Results | Field Marshal Manekshaw Essay Competition – 2024

Field Marshal Manekshaw Essay Competiton 2025

May 23, 2025
Op Sindoor 2.0: Why & How India Must Prepare for the Next Round?

Op Sindoor 2.0: Why & How India Must Prepare for the Next Round?

May 21, 2025
DefAI: Cyber & AI Frontiers for Defence | The Third Cyber Workshop from CLAWS & HACKTIFY

DefAI: Cyber & AI Frontiers for Defence | The Third Cyber Workshop from CLAWS & HACKTIFY

June 9, 2025

Front Organisations: The Valley’s Homegrown ‘Resistance’ or Pakistan’s Evolving Terrorism Tactics?

2
DefAI: Cyber & AI Frontiers for Defence | The Third Cyber Workshop from CLAWS & HACKTIFY

DefAI: Cyber & AI Frontiers for Defence | The Third Cyber Workshop from CLAWS & HACKTIFY

2
Great Power Rivalry in the Arctic and India

Great Power Rivalry in the Arctic and India

2

Clausewitz, pagers, and the evolving art of supply chain attacks

1
Kargil Diwas: Decoding Pakistan’s ‘Mujahideen’ playbook

Kargil Diwas: Decoding Pakistan’s ‘Mujahideen’ playbook

July 26, 2025
Operation Sindoor and India’s Future Warfighting Readiness: Lessons Learnt

Operation Sindoor and India’s Future Warfighting Readiness: Lessons Learnt

July 23, 2025
Strategic Intelligence for Strategic Outcomes: Operation Rising Lion an instructive case study for Indian Security Establishment to invest in Contemporary Intelligence Capabilities

Strategic Intelligence for Strategic Outcomes: Operation Rising Lion an instructive case study for Indian Security Establishment to invest in Contemporary Intelligence Capabilities

July 23, 2025
Opinion | Trump, India, Pahalgam: When Terrorists Are Easier To Deal With Than Tariffs

Opinion | Trump, India, Pahalgam: When Terrorists Are Easier To Deal With Than Tariffs

July 22, 2025

Popular Stories

  • Summer Internship Capsule 2025

    0 shares
    Share 0 Tweet 0
  • Field Marshal Manekshaw Essay Competiton 2025

    0 shares
    Share 0 Tweet 0
  • Op Sindoor 2.0: Why & How India Must Prepare for the Next Round?

    0 shares
    Share 0 Tweet 0
  • DefAI: Cyber & AI Frontiers for Defence | The Third Cyber Workshop from CLAWS & HACKTIFY

    0 shares
    Share 0 Tweet 0
  • Pahalgam Response: Why India Must Fight Smart?

    0 shares
    Share 0 Tweet 0

About us

CLAWS

The Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS), New Delhi, India is an independent think tank on strategic studies and land warfare. The mandate of CLAWS covers national security issues, conventional military operations and sub-conventional warfare.

Follow Us

Browse by Category

  • Articles
  • Autumn 2019
  • Autumn 2020
  • Books
  • CLAWS Focus
  • CLAWS Journal
  • Essay
  • Events
  • External Publications
  • FMMEC
  • Intern Articles
  • Issue Briefs
  • Jottings by Director General Emiritus
  • Manekshaw Papers
  • Newsletter
  • Round Tables
  • Scholar Warrior
  • Seminars
  • Uncategorized
  • Web Updates
  • Winter 2019
  • YouTube Podcast

Recent News

Kargil Diwas: Decoding Pakistan’s ‘Mujahideen’ playbook

Kargil Diwas: Decoding Pakistan’s ‘Mujahideen’ playbook

July 26, 2025
Operation Sindoor and India’s Future Warfighting Readiness: Lessons Learnt

Operation Sindoor and India’s Future Warfighting Readiness: Lessons Learnt

July 23, 2025
  • Site Map
  • Tenders
  • Advertise With Us
  • Terms of use
  • Privacy Policy
  • Other Think Tanks

© 2008-2024 Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS).

No Result
View All Result
  • Home
  • About Us
    • Director General
    • Additional Director General
    • Jottings by Director General Emiritus
    • CLAWS Membership
    • Faculty
  • Publication
    • Web Articles
    • Issue Briefs
    • Manekshaw Papers
    • Newsletter
    • CLAWS Journal
    • Scholar Warrior
    • Books
    • Essay
    • Intern Articles
    • External Publications
  • Research Areas
    • Global & Regional Security
      • China
      • Pakistan
      • Afghanistan
      • South Asia
      • Indo Pacific
      • US, EU & Russia
      • MENA
      • CAR
    • National Security
      • National Security Strategy
      • Nuclear Deterrence
      • Non Traditional Threats
      • Intelligence
      • Terrorism & Internal Security
      • Grey Z & IW
      • Security Laws
    • Military Studies
      • Military Doctrine
      • Military Strategy
      • Peace Keeping Ops
      • Military History
      • Military Logistics
      • Out of Area Contingency Ops
      • Leadership
    • Military Technology & Defence Acquisition
      • Military Technology
      • Defence Acqn
      • Budgets & Finance
      • Defence Infrastructure
      • Human Resources
    • Multi Domain Studies
      • Jointmanship & Integration
      • Space
      • Cyber
      • Spl Operations
      • Energy & Environment
      • Defence Eco System
      • Defence Diplomacy
      • HADR
  • Web Archive
  • Events
    • Seminars
    • Webinars/RTD
  • PROMEX
  • University Cell
    • About The Initiative
    • Admission: Eligibility and Procedure
    • Important Information
    • Administration
    • Guides | Supervisors
  • Careers
  • Contact

© 2008-2024 Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS).