This article originally appeared at: https://www.eurasiareview.com/07072025-islamabads-naval-diplomacy-in-crisis-pakistans-struggle-for-maritime-relevance-analysis/#google_vignette
Pakistan’s aspirations to project maritime influence through naval diplomacy have repeatedly stumbled, exposing the stark limitations of its naval capabilities and strategic reach. The biennial AMAN exercises, touted as a flagship of Pakistan’s maritime ambitions, exemplify this failure—a hollow spectacle of diplomatic posturing undermined by technical deficiencies, economic fragility, and an overreliance on external powers, particularly China.
Far from establishing Pakistan as a regional maritime leader, these efforts reveal a navy struggling to mask its operational weaknesses and a nation grappling with internal crises that erode its soft power. Since their inception in 2007, the AMAN exercises have been marketed as a platform for fostering multilateral maritime cooperation under the slogan “Together for Peace.”
Pakistan claims that these drills, held in the Arabian Sea, demonstrate its commitment to regional stability, bringing together navies from over 60 countries, including major powers such as the United States, China, and Russia. However, the reality is less impressive. Critics argue that AMAN’s inclusivity is superficial, with many participating nations sending token delegations or single ships, contributing little to substantive maritime security outcomes.
Unlike India’s MILAN exercises, which focus on actionable objectives like counter-piracy and disaster response, AMAN often devolves into a symbolic display, more about optics than operational impact. The 2025 edition, featuring the maiden AMAN Dialogue, aimed to address maritime security and the blue economy but failed to produce meaningful strategic outcomes, overshadowed by Pakistan’s inability to lead substantive discussions or drive regional cooperation.
Pakistan’s naval diplomacy is further hamstrung by its technical deficiencies. The Pakistan Navy, despite its modernisation efforts, remains a “paper fleet,” heavily reliant on outdated platforms and Chinese hand-me-downs, such as the fault-prone Type-054A/P frigates. The navy’s submarine fleet, although it includes some capable Hangor-class vessels, suffers from inconsistent maintenance, which limits its ability to project power beyond the littoral zones.
Pakistan’s lack of indigenous shipbuilding capacity—unlike India’s robust shipyards—further underscores its dependence on China for advanced platforms, compromising strategic autonomy. This dependency was evident in AMAN-2025, where China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) played a prominent role, using the event to flex its muscles, while Pakistan played the junior partner.
he AMAN exercises also fail to mask Pakistan’s limited soft power. While the navy aims to project an image of regional stewardship, its credibility is undermined by domestic challenges. Pakistan’s economy, teetering on the brink of collapse due to dwindling foreign reserves and its reliance on International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailouts, cannot sustain high-profile military engagements.
Hosting AMAN-2025 amid economic turmoil, marked by rampant inflation and public discontent, highlights a disconnect between Pakistan’s military ambitions and its fiscal reality. The navy’s focus on prestige over pragmatism draws criticism for diverting resources from critical maritime infrastructure, such as the underfunded Gwadar Port, a linchpin of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).
Reports suggest that Pakistan’s reluctance to allow a formal Chinese military presence in Gwadar stems from fears of a U.S. backlash and domestic opposition; yet, its economic dependence on Beijing leaves it with little leverage. Pakistan’s maritime diplomacy is further weakened by its geopolitical isolation.
While AMAN attracts diverse participants, Western nations, such as the US, primarily engage to maintain operational familiarity, rather than endorsing Pakistan’s capabilities. The navy’s alignment with China, evident in joint exercises like Sea Guardian-3, raises scepticism among Western powers wary of Pakistan’s tilt toward Beijing. Meanwhile, India’s absence from AMAN, coupled with its growing influence through exercises like MILAN and partnerships with Gulf states, highlights Pakistan’s marginalisation in the IOR.
India’s blue-water navy, with aircraft carriers and advanced submarines, dwarfs Pakistan’s littoral-focused fleet, which prioritises defensive operations over power projection. The AMAN exercises also fail to address Pakistan’s strategic vulnerabilities. With 90% of Pakistan’s trade seaborne, disruptions in the Arabian Sea could cripple its economy, yet the navy lacks the capacity to safeguard these routes independently. The growing militarisation of the IOR, with China’s expanding presence and India’s strategic partnerships, further exposes Pakistan’s inability to shape regional dynamics.
Pakistan’s naval diplomacy, epitomised by the AMAN exercises, is a mirage of maritime ambition. Technical deficiencies, economic fragility, and overreliance on China undermine its efforts to project influence. While Pakistan aspires to bridge East and West, its navy remains a secondary player, overshadowed by more capable powers and constrained by domestic crises. AMAN-2025 may garner headlines, but it does little to alter the reality: Pakistan’s maritime influence is more symbolic than substantive, a fleeting gesture in a region dominated by stronger players.
